Origins and significance of Old Kilcullen

Cell Cuilinn (Old Kilcullen)

The Patrician Tradition

The traditional foundational narrative of Cell Cuilinn, today known as Old Kilcullen, in County Kildare, can be traced to the seventh century. One of the earliest accounts of this ancient site is to be found in a text by the Mayo bishop Tírechán, who informs us that St Patrick, on his trip through Campus Liffi (Irish: Mag Liffi, the Liffey Plains), established a church there and ordained the exorcist Auxillius (associated with Killashee, Naas), and also ordained Eserninue (Iserninus) and Mac Táil in Cell Cuilinn (de Paor, 174). Other Patrician hagiographies of the seventh and later centuries gave varying accounts of these and other early ecclesiastics, but always connecting and subordinating them to Patrick. 

However, in recent decades there has been a growing scholarly consensus that interprets the narratives of Tírechán, Muirchú, and later hagiographers of Patrick, as representing a form of propaganda to promote the cult of Patrick, and by extension, the power of his supposed episcopal successors at the Armagh church. The possibility that a number of missionary period churches in Leinster, which include Kilcullen and Killashee, were likely established before and independently of Patrick’s mission by Gaulish bishops, presented a challenge to Armagh’s claim of hegemony over the Irish church (Ó  Cróinín 1995, 21-3; Stout, 24; Breen 2005, 344; Mac Shamhráin). In asserting that foundational credit of these churches belonged to Patrick and portraying the missionary Leinster bishops, including Iserninus, as his subordinate aids, writers such as Tírechán and Muirchú sought to legitimise primacy of jurisdiction over the Leinster churches for Armagh as part of their project to gain hegemonic control over the entire Irish church (de Paor 41-3; Cróinín 1995, 43; Mac Shamhráin; Breen Palladius, 2009; Duffy, 41). This would inevitably enhance Armagh’s status, power, and wealth. 

Entries in the annals from the mid-fifth century that appear to back up Armagh’s primacy by recording the missionaries of Leinster as subordinate aids to Patrick, are generally accepted as later interpolations. According to most scholars, contemporary entries began in the annals circa AD 700. Others have challenged this dating and assert that contemporary entries began in the annals as early as the AD 550s (notably A. P. Smyth and Daniel McCarthy, see Kissane). The earliest posited Irish chronicle, the Chronicle of Ireland, which possibly served as the source for later annals, may have commenced with contemporaneous entries in the sixth-century. Nevertheless, even advocates of such early dating for contemporary entries accept that a number of annals were altered in the seventh century to promote the interests of the powerful Uí Néill dynasty and their allied church at Armagh (Evans, 21). Therefore, if we follow the consensus that  the annals’ references to Patrick were the work of later centuries written under influence of Armagh propagandists (de Paor 41; Cróinín 1995, 23-24; Mac Shamhráin), we can most likely rule out Patrick as the founder of Old Kilcullen. 

We are left with the problem of who established Old Kilcullen and when. Answering these questions is confounded by the scant sources outside of the Patrician tradition propagated by Armagh in later centuries. We have to work without contemporary records that could provide us with insight into the missionary period of fifth century Ireland. In light of this, it is useful to take a brief look at Christianity’s arrival in Ireland to identify possible alternatives to the traditional narrative.  

Year AD 431

Palladius … primus episcopus ad Scottos in Christum credentes.

Prosper of Aquitaine

Palladius versus Patrick

Christianity likely arrived in Ireland sometime during the fourth century through contact with the Roman world and in particular the Roman province of Britain. The Irish had been raiding, trading, and, by at least the early fifth-century, were establishing settlements in western locations in present-day Scotland, Wales, and the south-west regions of England (Ó Cróinín 1995, 18; Stout, 19; Duffy, 40). From these connections, not least the capture of Romano-British Christian slaves as attested to by Patrick himself in his Confessio, it would appear that pockets of Christian communities had developed in Ireland very early. These grew to a large enough extent for Pope Celestine I to deem it necessary to send Palladius, in 431, ‘as the first bishop to the Irish believing in Christ’ (primus episcopus ad Scottos in Christum credentes) (Ó Cróinín 2005, 82). Unfortunately, little is known of Palladius’ mission beyond what was written centuries later by the supporters of the Patrician cult – as outlined above.

However, James Henthorn Todd (see O’Brien and Lunney), in his St Patrick, apostle of Ireland, published in 1864, first posited the theory that Palladius’ mission may have been subsumed into the mission of Patrick (Bourke). In the twentieth century, this theory was expanded upon by many others, but it remains a matter of speculation how this happened. Whether through historical confusion, or manipulation by Armagh partisans, or perhaps a mixture of both (de Paor 43), it is now well accepted as likely that the missions of Patrick and Palladius have been conflated to the detriment of the latter. 

In light of this, attempts have been made to extract traces of Palladius’ mission from the legends written about the actions of Patrick. The most likely traces of Palladius are to be found in the Patrician texts concerning the Leinster missionaries, particularly Auxilius, Iserninus, and Secundinus (dePaor, 39-43). Given their geographical area of activity, in the east and south east, and their names of Galish origin, these three men were more likely associated with the continental mission of Palladius rather than that of Patrick (see Mac Shamhráin; O’Neill, 153; de Paor, 41-43; Breen Palladius 2009; Ó Cróinín 1995, 22).

While the inclusion of these men into the Patrician narratives from the seventh-century on is widely accepted as a construction of the Patrician hagiographers, there is no consensus regarding their position as historic missionaries. The historicity of Secundinus and Auxilius (and by extension that of Iserninus), has been questioned by some. For example, Dumville, in translating their names respectively as ‘secondary’ and ‘auxiliary’, interpreted these characters as fictional narrative devices (Downham, 115). However, this would seem unlikely to be the case when we consider that the names of these two early bishops were preserved in the archaic place names of Killashee, from Cell Auxili (Church of Auxilius) and Dunshaughlin, from Dún Sechlainn (Fort of Secundinus). Place names are far less open to manipulation by propagandists, such as those of Armagh, as were the early medieval texts (Ó Cróinín, 22). 

Although there is no extant toponym derived from Iserninus, he was associated in the later hagiographies with a number of churches in county Carlow (Breen Palladius, 2009), and, as Tírechán’s seventh century text relates, he was also associated with Kilcullen. 

Year AD 550
A great mortality, that is, the crom conaill or the buide conaill in which these saints rested, to wit, Findia, greatgrandson of Telldub, and Colom son of Crimthann, and Colam of Inis Celtra and Sinell son of Cenannan, abbot of Cell Achaid Drumfhota, and Mac Táil of Cell Culinn, whose name is Eogan son of Corcran.

The Annals of Tigernach

Above: An interpretation of the MacTáil panel at Old Kilcullen showing a Gospel Book, an early medieval Irish style bishop’s crozier, and an early medieval Irish hand bell. The axe is interpreted as being an allusion to MacTáil as this nickname signifies a type of axe called an adze (tal being an Irish word for an adze).

Iserninus versus MacTáil

Tírechán’s text is the earliest narrative to relate a foundational story for Kilcullen. His placement of Patrick ordaining Iserninus and MacTáil together at Old Kilcullen would appear to be an attempt to ensure that credit went to Patrick alone and not to either of these two men, both of whom must have had a strong association with the site at the time Tírechán was writing.

His placing of the two bishops as contemporaries of each other and of Patrick is problematic as the dating is at variance with the chronology present in the annals. MacTáil is recorded in the latter as dying of a plague, circa AD 550 (549 Annals of Ulster; 548 Annals of the Four Masters), some eighty years after Iserninus’ death is recorded in 468. It was MacTáil who later became synonymous with Kilcullen, the church there retained its dedication to this bishop beyond the coming of the Normans (Bradley et al. 391-2). The fact that the annals’ obituary date for MacTáil’s is at variance with the chronology of Tírechán’s narrative, may lend the annals dating of his and Isernunus’ deaths more weight. The annals possibly represent an earlier tradition, be it written or oral, that was not subjected to Armagh’s redaction.

de Paor, ignoring the dating anomaly, posited that Iserninus and MacTáil were possibly the same person (see 174, footnote 32). Within the hagiographical tradition, however, the number of sources that present individual and differing biographies for each man, taken together with the generational gap present in the annalistic tradition, would seem to provide scant evidence for this theory in either literary tradition. The Gaulish sounding Iserninus, according to the seventh century Patrician hagiographer Muirchú, was said to have studied in Auxerre alongside Patrick (but more likely Palladius) and Auxillius (de Paor, 179). In contrast, MacTáil, with his Irish language moniker, has no continental tradition attached to him and while we are provided with varying accounts of his genealogy, they are all rooted in Irish dynasties (See Stokes, 434-36; Mac Shamhráin and Breen). In fact, the only commonality uniting these two early bishops was their association with the Kilcullen church during the fifth to sixth centuries.

Location

The long-standing church dedication to MacTáil would seem to point to him, rather than Iserninus, as being the founder of Kilcullen. Examination of the siting of present day Old Kilcullen would appear to tell a different story, however. The location of the church site on the hill opposite the important Iron Age ritual centre of Dún Ailinne, follows a pattern of other important missionary period churches that were established alongside important ritual sites. This is true of Armagh itself, which is close to the Iron Age ritual site of Emain Macha, and bears strikingly similar archaeological features with Dún Ailinne. Examples of early churches located close to important pre-Christian ritual sites in Leinster are to be found at Dunshaughlin (associated with Secundius) situated close to Tara, and Killashee (associated with Auxillius), which is close to the assembly place at Naas (De Paor,41). Given the association between possible pre-Patrician church establishment and pre-Christian ritual sites, it seems more likely that the chronologically earlier (and likely Gaulish) of the two bishops associated with Kilcullen, Iserninus, would be the more logical candidate for founder of the church there; with MacTáil as a prominent successor to him. Of course, this is impossible to prove and must remain speculation based on the names handed down to us by the seventh-century Patrician hagiographers. However, it is probably safe to assume that the hagiographers of the seventh and eighth centuries were, to quote de Paor, ‘coping with unwelcome traces of other important fifth-century bishops in the record’. (43)

Power and Status

Leaving aside the inevitable speculative nature of the above interpretation, we are still left with the possibility that Kilcullen was a Gaulish missionary church, and therefore, potentially one of the earliest Christian sites in Ireland. A church of such antiquity would have likely been regarded with a high level of prestige in the seventh century (see Swift, 103, footnote 32). This would have provided Armagh with an even greater incentive to associate Patrick with its foundation and relegate Iserinus and MacTáil to subordinate supportive roles. The results of this redaction process would have obliterated any possible reference to Palladius, if one existed previously. The whole enterprise was incredibly successful as the all-powerful Patrician legend persisted unchallenged up until the late nineteenth century. 

It appears that ecclesiastical power was not the only motivating factor at play in the seventh and eight centuries’ Patrician hagiographies. Potential secular and political motivation in Tírechán’s narrative, identified by Swift, advances a more complicated scenario than a simple attempt to legitimise Armagh’s ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the Kilcullen and Killashee churches. Both these churches may have already been aligned with the northern bishopric rather than that of nearby Kildare. Located within the territory of Mag Liffi, nominally under Kildare’s episcopal control, Killashee and Kilcullen were under the patronage of the Uí Bairrche, a rival political dynasty than that of Mag Liffi’s political dynastic rulers and Kildare church patrons, the Uí Dunlinge. An ancestor of the Uí Bairrche, Áed of Sleaty, had pledged allegiance of his people and church to Armagh in the late seventh century (103-104). Tírechán’s narrative, in which Patrick baptises members of the Uí Dunlinge on the edge of their territory in Sleaty (110) may have been an attempt to persuade the Uí Dunlinge, or factions of this group, to support the cult of Patrick and Armagh over that of Brigit and Kildare (123).

Aside from the potential political intrigue of the Patrician hagiographies, the references to Cill Cuilinn (Old Kilcullen) in the early middle ages are sparse and mostly found in the annals. However, they are indicative of a church of status and wealth. 

The Annals

The references include the death of abbots initially and from the mid-tenth century the deaths of bishops. The following records were taken from the Annals of the Four Masters.

Year

AD 780 – Maeloctraigh, son of Conall, Abbot of Cill Cuilinn, and Scribe of Cill Na Manach died.
AD 898 – Ailell, son of Aenghus, Abbot of Cill Cuilinn; died.
AD 935 – Diarmaid, son of Ailell, Abbot of Cill-Cuilinn, died at an advanced age.
AD 948 – Cormac Ua h-Ailella, airchinneach of Cill-Cuilinn died
(an airchinneach is a hereditary steward of church lands) He is referred to in the Annals of Clonmacnoise as “Arch-Dean”.
AD 962 – Suibhne, son of Segonan, Bishop and ruler of Cill-Cuilinn, died.
AD 1030 – Tuathal O’Garbhain, Bishop of Cill-Chuilinn died.

Annals of the Four Masters

Viking Attacks

There were two Viking attacks on Cill-Chuilinn noted in the annals. When it was attacked and plundered by Amhlaíbh, son of Gothfrith of Dublin, in AD 936, it was recorded that a thousand prisoners were taken away. The figure may be an exaggeration but it was no doubt intended to indicate that a substantial number of people were captured and taken from the site. This would suggest an important ecclesiastical and secular population centre located at Old Kilcullen in the early tenth century. This settlement apparently had enough wealth to entice the Dublin Vikings back again in AD 944, when another attack was recorded by the annalists.

It is interesting that the Annals of the Four Masters, which date the first Viking attack on Kilcullen to AD 936, record that the following year ‘The foreigners deserted Ath-cliath by the help of God and Mactail’ (O’Donovan, 639). This would appear to indicate that MacTáil was revered as a powerful saint at that time and the attribution of his miraculous intervention was likely in revenge for the attack on his church at Old Kilcullen. The nineteenth-century historian, John O’Donovan, following a theory of Dr Todd, postulated in his edited version of the Four Master’s text that the church now known as St. Michael le Pole was originally MacTáil’s church on the Poddle. From this he interpreted this miraculous episode as a reference to the Dublin church (638, y). However, regardless of the validity of Dr Todd’s hypothesis, it seems more likely this was a reference to Old Kilcullen’s sacking the previous year as the church on the Poddle would have been within the Hiberno-Norse territory.

Figure 1 Old Kilcullen from engraving in Grose’s The Antiquities of Ireland Vol II, Pl.26 (1792) showing the church intact at the time of Daniel Grose’s visit.

Structures

The first reference in the annals that offers an insight into the material nature of structures at the Kilcullen site appeared in an entry for the year 1037, when it was recorded that ‘Ruaidhri, son of Tadhg Ua Lorcain, Tanist of Ui-Ceinnsealaigh, was taken prisoner in the Daimhliag of Cill-Cuilinn, by Donnchadh Mac Gillaphadraig; and he was afterwards blinded by the son of Mael-na-mbo’ (O’Donovan, 835). A Daimhliag, in Irish literally stone house, was a word used to signify a stone church. Although the use of stone in the building of churches was mostly restricted to major sites in the preceding centuries, it had become more or less the norm by the eleventh century (Manning 2005, 149). The Viking raids on ecclesiastical centres in the ninth century may have occasioned the widespread transition from wood to the more durable medium of stone, not just for churches, but also crosses, resulting in the phenomena of high crosses (Manning 2001, 14; Harbison 2005, 218); although this long established theory has been referred to as ‘one of the cherished myths of Irish Christian art’ by Michael Ryan (142). Therefore, while the presence of a stone church in 1037 may not necessarily indicate a high-status church at that time, this church may have been built much earlier when the high crosses were erected. The presence of the latter, particularly decorated high crosses, clearly signifies a church site of significant importance at the time when they were erected in the ninth or early tenth century (Ryan, 142).  

The round tower at Old Kilcullen can likely be dated to the eleventh century due to its plain round-arched doorway (O’Keeffe 2003, 72, 78). Round towers are also a clear indication of a wealthy ecclesiastical site of some status (Manning 2001, 32). In addition, there may have been a political dimension to their construction concerned with raising the secular status of élite patron dynasts. It has been postulated by O’Keeffe that round towers may have played a role in kingship rituals in the tenth and eleventh centuries (2003, 76). Round towers, along with stone churches and high crosses, are documented to have been erected by royal patronage elsewhere, for example, at Clonmacnoise (Manning 2001, 35; O’Keeffe 2003, 76-8; Harbison 2005, 219). Whether through patronage or the outlay of the church itself, it seems very likely that the resources necessary to erect such structures were the reserve of wealthy and significant ecclesiastical sites that were places of status; possibly in a secular as well as in a religious sense.

Destruction and Restructuring

The annals record that Old Kilcullen was destroyed by a fire in the year 1114 (O’Donovan, 999). However, the church was rebuilt and embellished in a way that provides us with some insights into its allegiances and importance. In the same period the Irish church was undergoing restructuring and reform, led in part by Armagh. The architectural features of the rebuilt twelfth century church indicate that Old Kilcullen likely participated in the reform movement. MacTáil’s church once incorporated an elaborate Romanesque chancel arch [Fig 2] (Graig; Bradley et al, 392-3; Ó h-Iceadha, 148-51). Basic Romanesque architectural forms were introduced into Leinster towards the very end of the eleventh century, but more elaborate use of decorative sculptural elements began in the first half of the twelfth century in Munster; from where its use spread more widely. This use of Romanesque sculptural forms to embellish churches appears to have been associated, for the most part, with reformed churches (O’Keeffe 2003, 42; Downham, 329). The designation of a church as a cathedral during this period of diocesan restructuring was often marked by the construction of a new church with Romanesque features (O’Sullivan & Downey, 41-45), or the incorporation of a Romanesque portal and chancel arch into an existing church. Such embellishments may have been, at least in part, sponsored by the church’s secular patron from the ruling dynastic family of the area. In secular terms, such embellishment of churches would have raised the status not only of the church but also of its patron (Downham, 337).

The core of this 12th century Romanesque church at Old Kilcullen remained incorporated into the structure that was still in use until the end of the18th century. How and when this church was destroyed is unclear.

It was depicted as fully intact in a drawing by Daniel Grose created in July 1792; from which the engraving above [Fig 1] was created for The Antiquities of Ireland Vol II, where it featured as Plate 26. Tradition holds that the building was destroyed in the Battle of Old Kilcullen, which took place around and in the churchyard on May 24th, 1798.

However, a map of 1815 appears to show the church intact (Longfield). The replacement church of St. John’s at Yellowbog was completed in the same year, which would favour the older church still being intact up to 1815. But it may just be the case that it was irrelevant to indicate the physical condition of the church for the purposes of this map. It also seems unlikely that the church at Old Kilcullen was used as easy building material for the new church at Yellowbog, since it is over one kilometre away.

The structure was certainly a roofless ruin around 1819 when George Petrie sketched the site. The depiction, from which an engraving was made by J. Greig and published in 1819, presents such a ruin as to make it unlikely to have been intact just four years earlier. Yet enough material remains (including the elaborate chancel arch) to indicate that it was not used as a quarry for the new church. Greig’s engraving of the church was published again the following year in Excursions through Ireland: Province of Leinster [Fig 2]. It clearly shows the Romanesque chancel arch, which was visible through the ruined south wall of the nave, to have been very large and elaborate with four orders.

Brewer, in his The Beauties of Ireland, Vol II, published in 1826, indicated that some portion of the ruined church still existed at that time, but he reports of the chancel arch that “this curious vestige of antiquity is now destroyed”(50). By the late 19th century no traces of the church were left above ground. The partial lower walls that are visible at the site today were uncovered during an archaeological excavation that took place in August 1939 (Ó h-Iceadha).

Figure 2 Old Kilcullen’s Romanesque Arch visible in Creig’s engraving, based on a drawing by George Pietrie, first published in 1819, by that time the church was in a very ruinous state.

Conclusions

Old Kilcullen was likely to have been an early continental missionary church, possibly associated with the mission of Palladius, and founded or first ruled by a continental bishop named Iserninus. Its early foundation likely afforded it a level of pregistige in later centuries and the subsequent seventh-century attribution of its foundation to Patrick would have enhanced this status even further as the Patrician cult gained in popularity. This Patrician foundational attribution was likely initiated as a propagandistic ploy for both ecclesiastic and secular dominance over the prestigious churches of Kilcullen and Killashee by Armagh and its local dynastic allies in opposition to the church at Kildare. 

The viking attacks and their recorded details in the annals point to the possibility that the ecclesiastical centre had also become a populous secular settlement. The erection of carved high crosses in the ninth or tenth centuries, along with the eleventh-century stone church and round tower, indicate the continuity of Old Kilcullen as an affluent ecclesiastical centre. The introduction of Romanesque architectural forms in the mid-twelfth century provides evidence that the church was rebuilt following the fire of 1114 and had the ability, possibly through dynastic patronage, to rebuild beyond the mere concerns of utility, as exemplified by the elaborate embellishing of the church through a Romanesque chancel arch. 

The sparse but subtly informative early medieval written references to Cell Cuilinn, reinforced by the very fragmentary material remains onsite today, appear to support a hypothesis that Old Kilcullen maintained a high level of status, wealth, and importance throughout the early medieval period from its foundation as a possible continental missionary church to a reformed church of the twelfth-century.

Seán Sourke
September, 2021

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bourke, Cormac. “Patrick (PATRICIUS, Pátraic, Pádraig)” in Dictionary of Irish Biography, 2009, revised 2021, RIA, https://www.dib.ie/biography/patrick-patricius-patraic-padraig-a7225

Bradley, J., Halpin, A., and King, H.A. Urban Archaeological Survey – County Kildare  (Vol. 4). Unpublished report commissioned by the Office of Public Works, Dublin. 1986

Breen, Aidan. “Auxilius (Auxilinus, Ausaille, Usaille)” in Dictionary of Irish Biography, 2009,  RIA, https://www.dib.ie/biography/auxilius-auxilinus-ausaille-usaille-a0279

Breen, Aidan. “Muirchú” in Dictionary of Irish Biography, 2009, RIA, https://www.dib.ie/biography/muirchu-a6019

Breen, Aidan. “Muirchú” In Duffy, Seán, (ed). Medieval Ireland: An Encyclopedia. Routledge, 2005.

Breen, Aidan. “Palladius” in Dictionary of Irish Biography, 2009,  RIA, https://www.dib.ie/biography/palladius-a7170

Breen, Aidan. “Secundinus (Sechnall)” in Dictionary of Irish Biography, 2009, revised 2012, RIA, https://www.dib.ie/biography/secundinus-sechnall-a7967

Breen, Aidan. “Tírechán” in Dictionary of Irish Biography, 2009, RIA, https://www.dib.ie/biography/tirechan-a8567

Brewer, J. N. The Beauties of Ireland, Vol II. Sherwood, Jones & Co, 1826. 49-51

Cromwell, Thomas. Excursions through Ireland: Province of Leinster. Vols. 1 & 2. Printed for Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme & Brown, 1820.

de Paor, Liam. St. Patrick’s World: Christian Culture of Ireland’s Apostolic Age. Four Courts, 1994.

Downham, Clare. Medieval Ireland. Cambridge University Press, 2018.

Duffy Seán. The Concise History of Ireland. Gill & Macmillan, 2005.

Evans, Nicholas, “Annals and Chronicles”, in Duffy, Seán, (ed). Medieval Ireland: An Encyclopedia. Routledge, 2005, 20-22.

Graig, J, “Remains of the Church and Round Tower, Old Kilcullen, Co. of Kildare”, engraving, in Cromwell, Thomas. Excursions through Ireland: Province of Leinster. Vol 2. Printed for Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme & Brown, 1820.

Grose, Daniel C. Old Kilcullin Church South West Aspt: Co. Kildare. PD 1976 TX 7, Grose Collection, National Library of Ireland. July 21 1792. http://catalogue.nli.ie/Record/vtls000146815/HierarchyTree

Grose, Francis. The Antiquities of Ireland, Vol. II, Hooper & Wigstead, 1796. 27-28; Plate 26.

Harbison, Peter. High Crosses. in Duffy, Seán (ed). Medieval Ireland: An Encyclopedia. Routledge, 2005. 218-20.

Harbison, Peter. Irish High Crosses: With the Figure Sculptures Explained. Boyne Valley Honey Company, 1994.

Harbison, Peter. The High Crosses of Ireland: An Iconographical and Photographic Survey. Habelt, 1992.

Kissane, Noel. “Brigit (Brighid, Bríd, BRIDE, BRIDGET)” in Dictionary of Irish Biography, 2009, RIA, https://www.dib.ie/biography/brigit-brighid-brid-bride-bridget-a0961

Longfield, John, and Robert Ormsby Longfield. A Survey of the Glebe of Killcullen in the Barony of [Kilcullen] and County of Kildare the Estate of the Chancellor of Christ Church Let to William Lisney. Surveyed By John Longfield. 1815. Table of Reference Showing Tenants Names & Area of Holdings. 1815. National Library of Ireland, MS 21 F. 34 / (029) https://catalogue.nli.ie/Record/vtls000302002

Mac Shamhráin, Ailbhe. “Iserninus” in Dictionary of Irish Biography, 2009, RIA, https://www.dib.ie/biography/iserninus-a4227

Mac Shamhráin, Ailbhe, and Breen, Aidan. “Mac Táil.” in Dictionary of Irish Biography, 2009. RIA, https://www.dib.ie/biography/mac-tail-a5084

Manning, Conleth. Early Irish Monasteries. Country House, 2001.

Manning, Conleth. “Ecclesiastical Sites” in Duffy, Seán, (ed). Medieval Ireland: An Encyclopedia. Routledge, 2005. 148-50.

O’Brien, Andrew, and Linde Lunney. “Todd, James Henthorn.” in Dictionary of Irish Biography, 2009, RIA, https://www.dib.ie/biography/todd-james-henthorn-a8577

Ó Cróinín, Dáibhí. Early Medieval Ireland: 400-1200. Longman, 1995.

Ó Cróinín, Dáibhí. “Christianity, Conversion to” in Duffy, Seán, (ed). Medieval Ireland: An Encyclopedia. Routledge, 2005. 82-3.

O’Donovan, John, (ed). Annala Rioghachta Eireann – Annals of the Kingdom of Ireland by the Four Masters. Vol. II, Hodges and Smith, 1854.

Ó h-Iceadha, G. “Excavation of Church Site in Old Kilcullen Townland, Co. Kildare” in Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland Vol XI, 1941. 148-51.

O’Keeffe, Tadhg. Romanesque Ireland: Architecture and Ideology in the Twelfth Century. Four Courts Press, 2003.

O’Neill, Michael, “The Medieval Parish Churches of County Kildare”, in Nolan, William and McGrath, Thomas (eds) Kildare History and Society. Dublin: Geography Publications, 2006, 153-193.

O’Sullivan, Muiris and Downey, Liam. “Hiberno-Romanesque Churches” in Archaeology Ireland, Winter 2020, 41-45

Ryan, Michael. “Early Christian Art” in Duffy, Seán (ed). Medieval Ireland: An Encyclopedia. Routledge, 2005. 140-142.

Stokes, Margaret, “Old Kilcullen”, in Journal of the County Kildare Archaeological Society Vol. II No. 7, 1899, 430- 46

Stout, Matthew. Early Medieval Ireland: 431-1169. Wordwell, 2017.

Swift, Catherine, ‘Brigid, Patrick, and the Kings of Kildare, A.D. 640-850’, in Nolan, William, and McGrath, Thomas (eds) Kildare History and Society. Dublin: Geography Publications, 2006, 97-128.